Your
Excellency,
The
so-called Pianechko district of the Kyustendil region, consisting of 40
Turkish
and Bulgarian villages, lies (at) a few hours' distance to the south of
the
town. The centre of this district is called Tsarevo Selo, which is nine
hours
from here. As such (a centre), it needs an administration of a kind to
deal
with minor (local) matters and quarrels in the district and to guard
the
near-by Kochani and Maleshevo frontiers. For this reason we, the
undersigned,
humbly beg Your Excellency to provide the district with such an
administrator,
so that a better order be established in it, too.
Hoping that
you will not decline our humble request, we remain with deep respect,
Your
Excellency's most obedient and devoted inhabitants of the villages of
Pianechko
district,
Authorized by
all:
Today I
take the pen to answer you; but what could I write to you? - my mind is
seething with unpleasant thoughts, especially since yesterday; since
yesterday,
I tell you, since we heard the news, so staggering for Macedonia, that
she was
going to remain under Turkish rule. I am not in the proper state of
mind to be
able accurately to describe to you the paleness (that spread) on our
faces at
the staggering blow of the aforementioned news. This was a mortal blow,
the
brows of all Bulgarians here and, of course, all over Macedonia, broke
out into
a deadly sweat. We wonder what happened to the famous rights (granted
to us)
under the San Stefano Treaty; what happened to self-government;
finally, what
happened at least to the rights according to the (decisions of) the Constantinople
Conference? It seems that of all (the) Christian peoples in the
East only the
Macedonian Bulgarian people have been unfortunate and doomed to
receive the
present fatal blow; in short, let us conclude: no war was waged
for
But let us
leave all this. Let us forget about the self-governing principality;
let us
forget about financial self-government; let us even forget about the
rights, granted to
it
by the Constantinople Conference. They were but a dream for us which
flashed
for a moment and vanished. But our hearts bleed at the thought that we
are
losing even what we already had, what was already real to us - our
hearts bleed
for our spiritual freedom, won with such great efforts and
suffering. I ask:
whom with shall we remain from the spiritual point of view, whom with
will the
thirty or more Bulgarian towns in
But
Macedonia has yet another matter to grieve for. It seems that merciful
Europe
considers introducing would-be reforms even into the other European
territories
of Turkey - thank God even for that. But the point is: is Soloun again
going to be the administrative centre which would govern Macedonia? Oh!
If it
does, what a pity, what a terrible pity for Macedonia, because until
now, while
only the Turks were the ruling class, we had only Turks for rulers; but
from
now on, with the application of the reforms, if Soloun is to be again
the
centre, we shall also be under the domination of the Jews and of our
age long
enemies, the Greeks. My point is this: is it not possible for Macedonia
be not
ruled by Soloun, is it not possible to separate the towns in which the
Bulgarian element is predominant and to establish a special vilayet
with Skopje
as its administrative centre? Qnly then can the reforms, worked out by
Europe
in the Berlin Treaty, be put into effect. If this happens Macedonia
could
develop, if not as she should, at least more peacefully, while if she
is ruled
by Soloun, the Greek intrigues will not cease, especially now that
Macedonia
remains detached from Bulgaria and Thrace.
Therefore,
my dear, I beg you to take it upon yourself to inform the Macedonian
representatives to work for the above matters wherever necessary.
Such is, in
brief, my dear, the situation of poor Macedonia. Practically all the
eastern
Christian people have gained something from the last war, only
Macedonia not
merely did not gain anything, but is even in danger of losing what she
had
before the war - the spiritual freedom which supported her weak body.
Macedonia, I repeat, the cradle of Slavdom, the country of the holy
Slav
enlighteners Cyril and Methodius, is in peril of falling under a worse
oppression than before.
In spite of
all, this Macedonia has not lost her hope completely, but looks with half-opened eyes to the North
from where she expects her salvation...
That's all for now.
The Serbian
war with Turkey made the whole Bulgarian people, from the Danube to the
mountain peaks above the Lake of Ohrid, and from the Serbian frontiers
to the
gates of Constantinople and Soloun, dream of deliverance from their
five-centuries-long slavery; the Manifesto of the Russian Orthodox Tsar
roused
their hopes for salvation; the crossing of the Danube by the
Russian troops,
the personal presence of the glorious Tsar Himself and his royal words:
'You,
Bulgarians, are already free' - this faith filled their minds and their
hearts.
The crossing of the Balkan Mountains by the triumphant warriors and
their
advance to the very gates of Constantinople, their march from Sofia to
Kyustendil and the signing of the San Stefano Peace Treaty did not
leave a
shred of doubt in (the mind of) a single Bulgarian that they would be
liberated
and united into one single whole according to their race and language,
their
faith and spirit. All were overjoyed, all were grateful to their humane
liberator, and, from the bottom of their hearts, sent prayers to God,
wishing
him good health and the consolidation of Holy Russia. In a word, until
the
beginning of the Congress, all Bulgarians, young and old, from the last
beggar
to the richest man, jubilated in their heartfelt gratitude to Russia
and the
Russian throne. The Congress began, and doubts gripped the heart of
every
Bulgarian - and not in vain, because their doubt was not a mirage.
Oh, no! The
heart of man, though mysterious, has forebodings of good or evil. The
Congress
gave to part of half of the Bulgarians a Bulgarian Principality,
to another
part - autonomy under the Turks, and to a third part - independence
under
Serbia and Romania. But what happened to the other half? Where are the
Bulgarians from Macedonia, those martyrs of ancient Bulgaria? There is
no
mention of the Macedonian Bulgarians, who every day, every minute for
five long
centuriesi have suffered more than everybody else from murder,
violence,
dungeons, violent death, plunder, dispossession and complete
subjugation,
although they, too, hoping to be liberated, went arms in hand to the
aid of
Greeks and Serbs both before and in the last battles of the Serbs; and
finally,
in the hope of joining their Danubian and Thracian brothers, thousands
of them
rose against their common enslaver, leaving their homes and parents,
wives and
children, brothers and sisters. These Bulgarians, in spite of the whole
valour
of their heroes in the battles of the Serbs and in the defense of the
Shipka
Pass, who met every danger with desperate courage only to return sooner
to
their dreary homes and to wipe away the tears of slavery in the eyes of
their
relatives and kin, these Bulgarians, I say, are now deprived of
everything and
are left in an even worse plight and in slavery under their
five-centuries-long
bloodsuckers. The San Stefano Treaty established the occupation line up
to
Kyustendil and the Congress has deprived the Macedonian Bulgarians even
of the
right to call themselves Bulgarians and, together with them, it has
already
crossed out the very name of Macedonia. Thus the ancient cradle of
Slavonic
writing is already groaning under a new and even more unbearable
oppression,
not only on the part of the local inhabitants — bashibazouks, but also
on the
part of the Turkish refugees from Bosnia, Bulgaria and Thrace. In this
way, the
new murders, plunders and violence on both sexes and devastations
remain unpunished,
and every Christian lives in fear wondering whether he will survive
until the
evening, if he has survived till morning, and whether he will survive
until
the morning, if he has survived till night. Children mourn their
murdered
fathers, wives bewail their husbands, inconsolable parents shed bitter
tears
over their murdered sons, bleeding profusely, who might have been their
only
consolation in misfortune and old age. Such is the plight of the
unfortunate
Macedonian Bulgarians, when all Europe and the European Congress demand
an
improvement of their lot. This is what this improvement is! The time
has come
for them when the Saviour told Judea and Jerusalem: "The inhabitants of
Judea should run to the mountains, and if they have a home, not to go
back
home, or take anything from their home or their settlement, not to go
back even
to take their shirt.' This is what the Macedonian Bulgarians are now
doing!
They are leaving their homes, families, children and relatives by
dozens and
hundreds, and via Kyustendil and Sofia go wherever their feet lead
them. Will
Holy Russia, worshipped by all suffering people, will Moscow, the
mother of
Russian glory and pride, watch this scene impassively? We are confident
that
they will not. But how are they to be helped when the whole of Europe
and
European majority are against them? There is nothing to be done! The
Areopagus
of injustice and impious humanity have sentenced the Macedonian
Christians and
has thrown them back into the fetters of Hellenism, Mohammedanism,
Protestantism and the Papacy.
With the
Bulgarian church problem, we have made the unfortunate Bulgarians
realize the
need to have their own Bulgarian hierarchy, their own (native) prelates
and
clergy, consisting of Bulgarians by origin and spirit their own
people's
teachers and schools. It is because they realized this that they
endured
dungeons, ransoms, exile, covert and overt murders, plunders, expulsion
from
the holy churches built with their own hands. In a word, they neglected
both
their lives and everything they had, in the hope of a better future for
those
of their kin who were going to remain alive. But now, where are they
now to go
to? The Turks commit murders, convert people to Mohammedanism by force
or
guile; they pillage, bum down houses, bring dishonour and disgrace on
families
irrespective of sex and age; the Greek prelates Hellenize them with all
sorts
of meetings and temptations, slander them to the Government, betray
them with
the sole purpose of achieving their selfish ends; Protestants and
Papists
flatter them, promising them their protection. We ask: where are they
to go to,
the poor wretches? What are they to do? Renounce their faith? Their
conscience
would torture them. Endure unending murders, violence, dungeons and the
dishonour brought upon their loyal wives and dear daughters? This is
unbearable. Give in to Hellenism and renounce the name of Bulgarian and
their
own kin? This would be cowardly, shameful and unprincipled. Resort to
the
protection of Protestantism and Papism? This would mean to isolate,
estrange
themselves from their people and to assassinate the integrity of their
spirit.
After all this, we ask again: what are these wretched people to do? To
resort
to their protection arms in hand, which they can handle better than any
(other)
Bulgarian, or to the daring they showed in the fighting in Serbia and
in the
capture and defense of Shipka? But what will really happen is what
also
happened with the Balkan Thracian Bulgarians, and, moreover, they will
be able
to do nothing without assistance. We ask, with tears in our eyes, what
are
these wretched people to do? Remember, O Moscow, O Holy Russia,
compassionate
defender of your oppressed and enslaved brothers, remember Cyril and
Methodius,
Clement and Nahum, Gorazd, Sava and Angelarii, champions in the sphere
of faith
and Slavonic writings in all countries, and tell us, and we shall
listen to
your voice, we shall obey your command to live or die, as long as we
can keep
alive the age-old name of Bulgaria; if only this old, crushed Bulgaria,
more
dead than alive, as a result of the violence of the Moslems and the
flattery
and treachery of the Greeks, could be reborn into a new and flowering
branch of
the Slavonic tree. Tell us, because we are expecting your answer in
desperate
perplexity and with tears in our eyes.
Nathanail,
Bishop of Ohrid
Today, August 29 of the
year
1878, we, the undersigned, have assembled with the aim of discussing
how to
help our brothers in Thrace and Macedonia, who will henceforth be
separated
from Danubian Bulgaria by virtue of the decisions of the Berlin
Congress.
Bearing in mind the plight of our people, and especially of our
brothers left
under Turkish rule, we have resolved that it is our sacred duty as
Bulgarians
and children of one and the same motherland to avail ourselves of all
means at
our disposal to improve this condition by coming to the aid of our
compatriots
who might need our brotherly help. In order 10 ensure the success
of our
cause, we have found it necessary to set up a committee in the town of
Turnovo
under the name of Edinstvo to assume the care of
constantly working for
the dissemination of its ideas throughout the country: through the
setting up
of similar committees with which it would communicate and all of which
committees would have one aim towards which they would work together
(in
accord) and which would be: The unity of all Bulgarians and the
improvement of
their present condition. For this purpose, at this first meeting in the
town of
Turnovo, we have elected members of the People's Committee Edinstvo
the
following persons, joined together by their unity of thought:
Archimandrite
Stephan, Stat Antonov, Angel Popov, Stefan Stambolov, Giorgio Momchev,
Georgi
Zhivkov, D. P. Ivanov, N. Ikonomov, H. Karaminkov, Pandili Avramov,
Peter
Tspkov, Peter Popdimov, A. Andreev, Sava Nichev, Georgi Popivanov,
^Lyuben
Karavelov, Dr. M. Kalpakov, Sava Iliev, Kalcho Paskov, N.
Hadjigeorchev, A.
Zlatarski, K. Arabadjiev, N. Smilov, A. Bobev, Saratov, D. Zlatarski,
G.
Kisalov, H. Popov, H. Hadjiangelov, Y. Hadjipenchev, Kosta Koev, H.
Ivanov, Dr.
D. Saratov, I. Kavaldjiev, T. Vassilev, N. Lazarov, N. Momchev, Panayot
Hadjiradkov.
We, the
aforementioned members of this committee, have unanimously elected from
among
ourselves the following persons to be in charge of the Committee's
affairs:
Archimandrite Stephan as Honorary Chairman, Stat Antonov as Chairman,
Tsani
Ginchev as Deputy Chairman, N. Ikonomov as Treasurer, Peter Popdimov as
Bookkeeper, S. Stambolov, D. P. Ivanov and N. Lazarov as Secretaries.
The
meeting was closed.
Messrs S.
Popov, G. Hadjipetrov, D. Bisserov, Yanko Angelov and N. Tihov in Rouse
A few days
ago (the) local patriots set up the Edinstvo committee, which
will have
as its aim the unification of the Bulgarian people, torn in parts by
the decisions
of the Berlin Congress. In pursuit of this aim they will help by all
possible
means their unfortunate brethren who have remained outside the
confines of
free Bulgaria and will not shy at any sacrifice until Bul (garian)
Unity is
achieved. Founded on such principles, our committee has begun to
work-by
sending its special courier for the Makedonia newspaper, to
find out on
the spot whether there is an uprising, what is its scope, what are the
insurgents means and needs, so that we may help it as much as possible
if it
exists, because we believe that this is the road to our salvation.
An uprising
in Macedonia, uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina, uprisings
elsewhere, if
needed, will be the most destructive blow against the Berlin Treaty.
The task
we have set ourselves is sacred and noble, but it is also
difficult and calls
for great sacrifice. This effort cannot possibly be achieved by a
single town,
a single district, a single province; it requires the valour of the
whole
nation, and the people should undertake it if they realize their plight
and
value their future. That is why, in a few days' time, we shall send
agents of
ours to set up wherever possible, in our province and eventually in the
Sofia
province as well, similar committees with which we will be in contact
and will
pursue the same aim. If, in your district and province, there are
people who
subscribe to our ideas, they should by all means set up in their town
such a
committee of efficient and active men; once a committee is
established in your
town, it should start setting up similar com (mittees) throughout your
province
and maintain contacts with them. We shall expect your reply on all
this, on
whether you | agree to work and on what you have done, because the
matter
brooks no delay.
Address
your letters to Mr P. P. Dimov
Chairman:
S. Antonov
Secretary:
A. M. Ivanov
Dear patriotic Mr Petko
Voyvoda!
In Chepelayr
As it is
very necessary that you meet Mr Dimitri P. Georgi2, who is
in
Doupnichka Djoumaya and is the leader of the defenders of the people in
these
border areas, in order to discuss a very important matter to the
benefit of all
Bulgarians whom the Berlin Congress has again left under Turkish
tyrannical rule;
go there immediately upon receipt of this letter.
In the
event of circumstances preventing you from personally going there, then
send a
loyal and considerate person, who could accurately carry out your
mission,
which is of interest to our people.
Greeting
you on behalf of the Macedonian Bulgarians, I remain, as always, your
partner
in (the struggle for) the liberation of the Bulgarians in Turkey who
are not
yet free.
A
Macedonian patriot /Nathanail/
To His Holy
Grace, the Metropolitan of Samokov, Dossitei, in Samokov
We, the
undersigned, have assembled today, October 3rd, 1878 and, following the
example
of the other towns in our country, have founded a similar charity
committee in
the town of Djoumaya and have elected by majority: K. P. Bosilkov as
chairman,
G. Panov as deputy-chairman, Sotir Stoimenov as treasurer, I. M.
Kozarev as chief
scribe, I. Radev as assistant scribe, and Mane Markov and Georgi Nakov
as full
members, which we hereby confirm.
(There follow the
signatures of the founding members)
Djoumaya
October 3, 1878
Mr Manouil!
Today
before dawn there began a battle between the villagers of Kresna, Vlahi
and
Oshtava, and the Turks. The Turks are surrounded in the Kresna Inns.
The battle
continues; send ten loads of cartridges - three for the percussion
action
rifles, and seven for Martini (-Henry) rifles. Do not delay for a
single
minute, the need for cartridges is great.
I greet you
and remain yours,
D. P.
Georgiev
Mr. P.
Bosilkov!
After you
have copied the present letter, try to send it to the other
committees in
Bulgaria as soon as possible.
Police
headquarters have been set up in Kresna, with the tasks of raising an
army from
the settlements we have seized, of collecting taxes from those
unfit for
military service, of collecting and sending supplies and equipment to
the
insurgents, of pursuing deserters, of preserving the law and order
among the
population, etc. Please, take care to send to the police headquarters a
more
experienced salaried scribe to introduce order.
The
uprising is spreading day by day in the Malashevo area, the battle is
on and
many people from Maleshevo have taken refuge in the Melnik district.
One cheta
is operating in the Demir-Hissar villages to the south of Melnik. The
Turks
from Melnik and the surrounding villages are fleeing to Petrich and
Syar;1
today we had negotiations with the Tur(
For the
Mac(edonian) Upr(ising):
Hetman:
Kalmikov
Chief-of-Staff:
D. P. Georgiev
Organization of
the Macedonian Uprising
By general
approval of the insurgents' aldermen, leaders and commanders of chetas,
it has been proposed: Two units of the supreme command, 1st and 2nd, to
be
formed at the Uprising's Headquarters; Commander-in-Chiefofthe first
unit to be
Hetman Mr A. Kalmikov, and of the second unit - Mr. Voitkjevic; each
post,
related to the supreme command of the uprising, is to be sanctioned by
the
Chief of Staff and the two Commanders-in-Chief, or, in the case of
absence, by
any one of the two Commanders-in-Chief, who happens to be there. As for
the
organization of the uprising, this will be the responsibility of
Headquarters.
After due discussion, it has been decided to constitute the above
Insurgents'
Mac(edonian) Direction, hereby confirmed in their own hands, by:
To His
Excellency, Mr. Bosilkov
in Djoumaya
After my
most heartfelt salutations, I would like to inform you that, with God's
help,
from this morning at 12 o'clock to 12 at night we fought a battle,
started by
our enemy, Turkish regulars, stationed in Bansko, and other troops,
also
regulars, as many as 400, who came from Mehomia, and with God's
timely help we
defeated them all. From those, based in Bansko, 34 men surrendered and
we took
away their weapons. The same troops, before surrendering, killed four
inhabitants of Bansko, and killed 2 and wounded 3 of our company. Our
company
itself killed four of them, i.e. of the enemy, before they surrendered.
Towards
evening, by ill fate, after the said 34 enemies had surrendered, 6 or 7
of them
still remained in the coffee shop; since they had also agreed to
surrender, I approached them and was
wounded in the right hip, from which wound I am fatally suffering; we
therefore
beg of you to send, if possible, immediately and without delay a doctor
to cure
me quickly so that I may pursue my work; I also beg of you to dispatch
to us
immediately 10 or more loads of cartridges, most of them for the
percussion
action rifles, as well as some 200 rifles. Yes... if a company has been
gathered, it should be sent as soon as possible with all these
supplies. The
doctor is, in any case, needed for the other wounded as well.
Consequently,
ending in a hurry, I remain your sincere friend, (signed)
Bratan Marinov
Bulgarian
Provisional Government in Macedonia
Bulgarian
and Slav Brothers!
It is well
known to all of you that our unfortunate country Macedonia, the
birthplace of
our enlighteners and the cradle of Slavonic writing, though liberated
from the
five century yoke by Russia, our protectress and champion of all Balkan
Christians (according to the San Stefano Treaty), because of selfish
and other
interests, was again left under the Turks according to the Berlin
Congress, and
is in a desperate position. It is also known that after Bosnia and
Herzegovina
were occupied by Austrian troops all the Turks from these two regions
and the
irregular Turkish troops, which are a rabble of bashi-bazouks and
Circassians,
were forced to flee to our country and turned it into a den of robbers
and
thieves who plunder the peasant population.
As a result
of this, in many parts of our country blood has been shed, young girls
have
been kidnapped and many other outrages and crimes have been committed;
everybody knows all this from the newspapers. Realizing that the
Turkish
authorities do not take any measures against these outrages, that the
lives of
those dear and near to us are in danger, that the oppression of our
torturers
is becoming ever more unbearable with every passing day, that the
safety of our
property and possessions is not guaranteed, that whole villages are
completely
erased from the face of the earth by fire and sword even by regular
troops, we have left our families and
have
retired to the mountains to take revenge on our enemies. You yourselves
know
perfectly well what it is like to live under the Turkish yataghan, what
it
means for a man to watch his wife and daughters raped, his children
slaughtered; what it means in general to see all human rights
suppressed
without being able to take any revenge.
Is it
possible for you, brothers, who suffered all this and have scarcely had
the
time to breathe freely, to leave us in the lurch? Is it possible that
we, who
have been suffering under the yoke of our common enemy for so many
years,
should find no brotherly compassion on your part? Is it possible that
we, who
have been sacrificed to God knows what European interests, should have
no hope
for help from our brothers? Is it possible for you to leave us without
support
now that it is a question of life and death? You must realize that if
Macedonia
is left under the Turkish yoke, it will be forever lost to us, because
the
enemies of our unification are acting slyly and knowing that the rest
is lost
to them, they have turned their main attention to our country with the
aim of
destroying the Bulgarian element in it.
And so,
brothers, the time has come when we must show that we are a people
worthy of
freedom, that the blood of Kroum and Simeon has not ceased to run in
our veins;
the time has come to demonstrate to Europe that to divide a whole
people with
one stroke of the pen is no laughing matter! Let every one sacrifice
what he
can and as much as he can, because we need quick and considerable
help, for
otherwise our cause is doomed. And you, Bulgarian patriots, champions
of
liberty, who have shown your courage on more than one occasion, ,
take up arms
and hurry to join our ranks against the common enemy. Let your blood,
shed in
the Macedonian forests, serve as a symbol of liberty and let your motto
be:
Freedom or
death
Pirin Mountain,
November 10, 1878
To Messrs
the Members of the Mac(edonian) Djoumaya Charity Committee
Esteemed
gentlemen,
We
acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 19th inst. Andrei Nikolov and
Pascal
have arrived with the 50 volunteers and have been stationed in the
village of
Igralishta. They will remain there to arm the volunteers as they come,
as many
as they may be, and they will be used in the uprising and no arbitrary
acts
will be allowed.
Things are
getting better every day. The population is returning to the villages and all are under
military discipline.
Of the peasants waiting
for arms, 343 are still without weapons, and 208 have flintlock guns
which
should be replaced with something better, all in all 601 rifles are
necessary.
Please take
care of the supply of rifles and, if possible, let the majority of them
be
Martini rifles. Do not send French rifles for the time being. The
cartridges
for the rifles we have at the moment are insufficient. Whenever
cartridges are
sent, there should be more for Martini rifles. The population in the
Karshiak
should be armed sooner, because after the first battles we shall need
more
weapons for the outsiders who will accompany us.
Gentlemen!
I shall never deny our gratitude for the tireless efforts made for the rebels by you, Djoumayans (the
rest of the text is illegible).
Honoured Sir,
Five
centuries have failed to modify the bitterness of the cruelties of the
Asiatic
Turk. He has failed, during this long period, to understand how to
organize his
administration, so as to guarantee the security of honour, life and
property.
The bad administration and the selfishness of the softas have installed
in the
minds of the Turks: hatred to the Bulgarians. The violation of our
women, the
plundering of our goods and the murdering of our brothers, the
misconduct of
the Turkish refugees from Bulgaria and the impossibility of our
obtaining
justice have brought us to the present deplorable condition in which
you see
us. Whatever our predecessors have been able to save, whatever was
gained by
our own hard labour has become the plunder to the Turks, and fuel to
the
devouring flames. At the present day Macedonia,our dear country, is the
theatre
of bloodshed, streams of blood run down the valleys, and there is not a
spot in
the whole country, where wailing and growling is not heard. In this
winter time
and during these long nights brothers and sisters of ours are fugitives
in the
Balkans naked, hungry and without shelter. Those whom the Turkish
"yataghan" failed to
reach, have not escaped the winter among the mountains, and are
perishing in
the deep snow without anyone dear to them to close, at least, their
eyes. We
who have succeeded in reaching this place possess nothing more than the
clothes
on our backs, we have neither shoes to put on, nor covering to wrap
ourselves in.
Many of us fallen sick on the way died of hunger and cold, before we
reached
the frontier.
We
respectfully beg you, Honoured Sir, to take pity on us and to report to
civilized Europe all, which you have seen with your own eyes.
Stretch forth
your hands and free us from the Turkish yoke as has been done for our
brothers in
Bulgaria.
It
may be that we have been in a measure guilty, but has not our guilt
been atoned
for by the Mood and misery, especially of late, brought on us. Take
pity on us
speedily, that we may be enabled to return at least to our native land,
that we
may not succumb to the severities of winter.
We
hope and trust that you will pay attention to our prayer, and in the
hope we
remain as expectant suppliants.
Refugees
from Macedonia:
Wlahi/ 8/ |
Tzaparevo /7/ |
Istevnik /3/ |
Your
Excellency,
We are in
receipt of your letter of the 28th of last month, in which we find the
following questions to which we hasten to give you a reply:
1. You tell
us that, for a month and a half now, we have not been recognizing our
government and that we have become rebels. But you were convinced that
this
uprising was not of our own desire and that we had been incited by
foreign
comitadjis. As for the former, i.e., that we have rebelled, this has
become
known to the whole world, but as for the latter, we assure you and you
must
know that we have not been incited by anyone; however, when we realized
that,
at the Berlin Congress, the European Powers had again left us
under your
administration, we took up arms and we shall not lay them down until we
are
united with the Bulgarian Principality as was promised in the Treaty of
San
Stefano by Sultan Hamid himself.
2. You say
that, due to your conviction that we did not rise of our own desire,
you have not
allowed your troops to advance further than the Krustin Heights, so
that our
children will not be stranded in the mountains and will not die there
of cold
and hunger! Then you express your surprise that we have dared to leave
our
homes and property, goods and chattels, which we have inherited from
our
grandfathers and fathers. As for our children and property, you should
neither
be sorry for us, nor wonder at us; because the evils that your people
have
brought down on us for hundreds of years have become so unbearable
that if we
merely recall them, even here, where we are free, our bodies shiver and
our
hair stands on end! If you really wanted to inform yourself at least a
little
about the evils inflicted by your people on ours for many years and
even now,
have them bring before you a 90-year-old man in his right mind, who
will tell
you how many men have been killed and how many homes have been pillaged
by
bandits, and how many girls have been raped before the very eyes of
their own
parents!
As is known
to everyone, even to our well-wishers, the European Powers, »t
was as a result
of the above-mentioned cruelties that old Ilyo Voyvoda rebelled against
your
unjust government some thirty years ago. As for the misadministration
by your
governments, suffice it to mention: the kadis (judges), who are
entrusted with
meting out justice in all kinds of crimes, do not execute their
judgements
until they have received some liri!
3. We see
that you advise us to return. What is more, that we return together
with our Turks
of whom you say that their houses have been burned and pillaged,
without
mentioning that ours are in the same or even in a worse state! You will
try to
reconcile us so that we may become of the same stature and mix to such
an
extent that we shall go visiting each other! As for that, have
patience, for it
may happen that your desire to make us of the same stature might come
true;
because, if the European Powers leave us outside the Bulgarian
Principality, as
we have, for the time being, been left by the Berlin Congress, our
people may,
in their utter despair, adopt the Muslim faith (like the poor cheated
Bulgarians in the Rhodope Mountains) and then we shall live together in
brotherhood (God forbid!).
4. You make
us a solemn promise that, after we go back we shall have nothing to
fear,
because you will be among us. Moreover, you assure us that you will
abide by
your words; we do not know what will be the guarantee of your pledge -
whether
the royal firmans about the Hatti-humayun and the church question,
which have
remained unfulfilled for so many years until this day, or Sultan Hamids
signature about our Principality and under the San Stefano Treaty.
5. What
surprises us most of all is your statement that upon our return you
shall take
measures to eradicate the uprising - something that we find very hard
to
believe; because all the Bulgarians in the whole of Macedonia have
risen, and,
from the very first clash with your troops at Kresna, at Mouravtsi and
elsewhere, they have shown (demonstrated) that they are going to fight
bravely,
as ancient history has praised them for their unfailing courage in
fighting!
You can find proof of this in your own history, which gives evidence of
the
valour, shown by the Macedonian Bulgarians at the time when you were
conquering
their kingdom!
Since we
have answered in detail all the above questions, we beg you to come to
your
senses and stop being misled by English policies which might lead to
the
splitting of your own kingdom among the European Powers, as a result of
which we
shall be left without a principality and you - without a kingdom!
Therefore,
instead of trying hard to persuade us, you better take to heart the
implementation of the San Stefano Treaty which is the only way of
making our
two peoples come to terms, take each other by the hand and protect
their countries
before they have been ruined, as we just explained.
Karshiaka (Melnik
District)
The
undersigned Macedonians hereby authorize the esteemed gentlemen:
Dimitri Protich of
Veles,
Nikola Diamandiev of Ohrid, Koste H. Traychev of Kratovo, Nahum Simov
of
Bitolya, Dimitri Hadji Andonov of Shtip, Atanas Radev of Kochani,
Dimitri P.
Georgiev of the Strumitsa, area and Stoyan Kostov of Skopje - to send a
telegram to the National Assembly in Turnovo and to express the ardent
desire
of all Bulgarians living in Macedonia to have our people united, as we
have
expressed this many times to the European powers; as regards our
separation
from our brothers, we have protested on many occasions and shall never
cease to
protest and to strive for our unity as long as we have Bulgarian blood
running
in our veins. For this reason we authorize the above-mentioned
gentlemen to
draw the attention of Messrs the Representatives of Free Bulgaria to
this and
to ask them earnestly to take into consideration our inalienable desire
and to
use all their power to release us from the unbearable yoke.
In
confirmation of the above we give this present mandate signed with our
own
hands:
Ivan Ivanov G. Y. Menkadjiev Mihail Netkovich Hadji Traycho Stoykov Dimitri V. Slavkovich Grigoriya Arhimandritov Aralambo, S. P. Naoumche Andonovich Dimitriya Dochkov Nikola Papailov Dimitri Robchov (in Greek letters) Ikonom Pop Mihail Traycho Pop S. Chamcharov |
K. Shoulev Stefan, Velkov ... Nahum (in Greek letters) Simos Dimitrias (in Greek letters) Petre Ana... (in Greek letters) Petr Ivanov Kliment Ef. Nastev ... Phartomar (in Greek letters) Iovan Stoyanov Spiro Shantamov Anastas Mihailu (in Greek letters) archpriest Antim (in Greek letters) |
Reverend
Father,
I received your letter,
sent by our messenger,
on February 18. I have given the necessary orders for money to be sent
to you
and I believe that you will soon receive it through Dr Mirkovic of
Sofia. You
will receive from Vidin, Rahova and Rouschouk as many as 500 to 600
ten-franc
pieces; from here, I shall try to send to you, by post or by a money
order, up
to 5,000 francs, so that you may meet your initial needs. Therefore,
you may
assume that you have a credit of up to 10,000 francs, so do not let
this be a
reason for the work undertaken to be paralyzed.
Tonight the
leaders of the representatives and myself will have a meeting to set up
a joint
committee for
I shall
remain in Turnovo for another 10 to 15 days due to the fact that 1 have
been
elected by the representatives of Bulgaria, Thrace and Macedonia to a
committee
which is to map out the road which Bulgarian policy should pursue
so as to
achieve our people's Edinstvo (Unity). By virtue of the measures and
decisions
already approved by this committee, a deputation is soon to be sent to
the
European Powers, the necessary memorandum will be written, and if
someone
should hamper our nation-wide activities, the deputy of Commissar
Loukianov
will dissolve the Assembly. As you can see, matters are heated and
feverish!
Tomorrow D.
Tsankov is going to write to Plovdiv for another 1,000 rifles from
their own to
be sent to you, apart from the 400 rifles and 50,000 cartridges
from Gabrovo.
You, too, see to it and write to Kousevich about these things.
Almost all
the Bulgarian representatives are displeased with Hubmeier, who has not
been
expelled as yet, especially since they have learned about what he did
to Nikolitsa.
See to it that he is removed as soon as possible in order to avoid a
repetition
of the Kresna adventures.
I have
handed out the circular letters. I would like to ask you to keep us
daily
informed of developments by telegram, if possible; this will greatly
help the
successful collection of donations for your cause.
Excuse me
for not writing to you in detail, but I am very busy,
Yours,
S.
Stambolov
P. S. The telegram from Pianechko has made a strong impression on everybody,
S.S.
Dear Sirs,
At this
time, when you will be approving the Organic Statute and electing a
Prince for
one part of your long suffering people, another also very
considerable part of
the people is in a worse and more hopeless situation than at the time
when the
whole people was under the Turkish yoke. When you solemnly celebrate
the
opening of your Assembly, will you forget your brothers bathed in blood
and
tears, who with outstretched arms implore you to give them time and
means for a
last desperate struggle with our age-long oppressors and tormentors?
Will you
(urn away your eyes from them and leave them to perish completely? For
five
long centuries our people, as one inseparable whole, carried the heavy
burden
of the Turkish yoke on its shoulders; for five hundred years it lived
with the
sole hope of becoming one day completely free and independent; but
today only
one part of the people is invited to the table to enjoy the advantages
and
pleasures of liberty. You must decide for yourselves whether this is
right and
useful and do everything possible to put an end to this dreadful
situation, as
the duty of anyone loving his country and his brothers requires.
The
representatives of the Macedonian refugees
and rebels are present here with you; their grieved souls and pensive
faces
suffice to show you what should be done now, and I implore you, in the
name of
God, in the name of mankind and of the future and prosperity of our
people, to
take the necessary steps to achieve our unification according to the
San
Stefano Treaty; otherwise a great responsibility will fall on those who
could
have helped their people, but did not want to.
May the
omniscient God make you wise and teach you all that is good and useful
to our
fate and our people. I hope that we will be happy together just as we
have wept
together for five centuries.
In our
circular letter of February 8th we had written to almost all the
charitable
committees in Bulgaria about the things needed to support the
Macedonian
uprising. Unfortunately we received answers and help from very few
places.
Nevertheless, relying on God's mercy and firmly believing in the
righteousness
and usefulness of our sacred cause, we continued to work energetically
and
indefatigably for the achievement of our aim - the liberation of
Macedonian Bulgarians
from Turkish bondage. When we became convinced that it was impossible
to carry
out the uprising only along the borders, we decided to organize an
internal
uprising and to this end we have organized several chetas to
wage a
guerrilla war on the Turks. The first cheta which we sent into
Macedonia
to raise an uprising around Bitolya was under the command of the
courageous
Macedonian voyvodas Karaiskakya, Stefo Pavie and Kara-Kosta. This cheta
consisted of three hundred heroes, two hundred and fifty of whom
managed to
cross the river Vardar and reached the village of Klisoura from where
they sent
a special messenger to inform us about the way things stood with them
... Apart
from the cheta, sent by us, there appeared in Macedonia other chetas
led by local voyvodas. Thus a cheta of 350 people went to
Kostour
mountain headed by Mitre voyvoda, brother of Steto voyvoda. Another
voyvoda,
Vassil, went to the same mountain with 200 people. There also
appeared
insurgents along the border between the Prilep and Veles districts.
These
rebels set on fire the tower near the village of Tsurnets close to
Abdi-Pasha's
inn. The villagers from Bogomilovo went to Veles to report that the
rebels had
taken from them 3,000 okas of bread and 4,000 okas of meat. When the
authorities
in Veles heard about it, they did not dare to organize a posse because
of their
great number.Messengers from this and many other parts of Macedonia are
coming
every day to us to ask for weapons and ammunition. But where can we get
them
from when we no longer receive any arms or ammunition and very little
is left
of what we had. Besides, the snow in the mountains prevents us from
establishing secure communications with the chetas which are
active
there now as well as with many other parts, where the population is
ready to
rise in rebellion.
It is
already known to you that the district of Djoumaya is going to be
occupied by
the Turks but they are not willing to take it yet, because they are
afraid
there will be clashes with the rebels and the armed peasants. We have
ordered
the local chetas, together with the local population, to
protect the district
from the Turks. The number of the insurgents is: 400 people in Padesh
and
Soushitsa, 180 in Kresna, 250 in Predel...
We no
longer dare to recruit new volunteers because we have nothing to arm
them with.
What are the Bulg(arian) committees doing? Why do they not send us arms
and
ammunition? Or have the Bulgarians from the Principality forgotten
their
suffering brothers in Macedonia and do not want to lend them a helping
hand in
this most critical time for them? Let every free Bulgarian put his hand
on his
heart and ask himself what he must do now that the flames of the
uprising are
spreading over Macedonia and their brothers are asking them for help
with bloody
tears in their eyes. Five days ago a Protestant missionary who passed
through
these parts told us about the atrocities of the Turks and about the
following
incident in particular which shows how the Turks profane the faith and
the
human dignity of our brothers. In the village of Chereshovo, in the
district of
Skopje, a man by the name of Tefik-bey, Mustafa bey's son, made the
people
carry him in a coffin with all the church paraphernalia, forcing the
priest to
perform the Christian burial ceremony. While they carried him, he kept
jumping
and dancing in the coffin, beating them about the heads with a whip at
the same
time.
Brothers,
shall we, for whose liberation so much noble and heroic blood was shed,
allow
the Turks to treat our Macedonian brothers in this way; shall we leave
them
alone to the mercy of their ill fortune, which left them again in the
claws of
our age-long oppressors? Are they not blood of our blood and flesh of
our
flesh? Was it not (but) yesterday when we, together with them and with
the
Thracians bore the burden of the infamous Turkish yoke? Did not their
sons
fight bravely together with ours at Eski-Sagra and at Shipka in the
sacred war
for the liberation of the Bulgarians, waged by Holy Russia? There,
there in the
fields of Thrace and on the peaks of Shipka lie mixed the bones of our
valiant
volunteers, whose call is heard throughout Bulgaria, Thrace and
Macedonia and
appeal to us to fight for justice and freedom for oppressed Macedonia
and
wronged Thrace. Let each of us, therefore, hasten to help and support
the brave
warriors for the freedom of Macedonia! God be with them!
Esteemed
gentlemen!
We find it
highly regrettable that you have no representative of yours here, on
the
Macedon(ian) Committee, and it is still further to be regretted that
you never
write to us about the course of your preparations and affairs in
What did
your last meeting decide? What policy are you going to pursue? Will a
movement
be soon launched in your area or not? Do write us in detail about all
this, so
that we may see what we should do ourselves. We know that you would
like to
explain your silence with the fact that your own headaches are enough,
and that
therefore you have no time to spare to write to us or to take an
interest in
the Macedonian affairs. If this is the case, then we must have been
misled by a
chance report that you intended to do something ... if not, then we
cannot
understand why you are not more closely interested in the Maced(onian)
Uprising
and why you are not trying even now to find ways and means to aid and
support
it. You must be aware of the fact that since the Turks have as many as
100,000
soldiers in Macedonia, if the Mac(edonian) movement were to die out,
then all
these hordes would fall on your head, for there would be no one to
harass them
in Macedonia. This is where you will get the biggest blow from, in case
of a
later movement, at a time when the Macedonian movement might already
have been
buried for a long time. Bearing all this and many other
considerations in
mind, your opinion on this matter is all the more surprising.
(Undeciphered
text.)
Thus we
have been much aggrieved to learn that not only you have not helped our
people
in V... to rally more Macedonians to come over and help their insurgent
brothers; moreover you are duty-bound to do it in a noble manner at a
given
moment; or perhaps you don't want to compromise your frontier, or to
irritate
our representatives, or maybe you are flattered by the hope that you
shall be
able to weather the events in peace and quiet?
Whatever
the case maybe, this behaviour of yours brings us to a final situation
and we
can't help asking ourselves what would be the outcome of what we have
already
undertaken.
Dear
brothers! Let us come to an agreement on what is to be done in these
times so
critical for us. Do not deprive us of your aid and support. Back us up
in our
uneven struggle, so that we may also come to your aid in minutes
critical for
you. Enclosing a copy of the report which we are sending for the BCC
(Bulgarian
Charitable Committee), from which you will realize how the Mac(edonian)
matters
stand today, we remain with hopes to this effect.
The
situation in Macedonia, due to the carelessness of the local
authorities, is
growing more and more deplorable every day. Thefts, robberies, murders,
abuses,
violence and crime have reached terrifying proportions. The criminals,
whom the
Christians have reported to the authorities, instead of being severely
and lawfully
punished, walk in the streets in broad daylight armed to the teeth.
Peace and
security have not existed for a long time in our parts. The authorities
clearly
show their partiality for the Mohammedans and this attitude, contrary
to the
will of His Majesty the Sultan, is all the more regrettable because it
is
encouraged by those whose duty it is to maintain peace and order.
The state
of affairs is such, indeed, that very soon the poor Christians in this
region
will be deprived of all means of existence.
Under Art.
23 of the Berlin Treaty, the Sublime Porte has undertaken the
obligation of
introducing special arrangements in the other regions of European
Turkey (the
aforesaid Treaty did not envisage the need for the concrete
administrative
organization of these regions); the details of these arrangements which
should
take into account the needs of the local population, will be drawn up
in each
region by special committees on which the native population will have a
fair
representation; and will thereafter be examined by the Sublime Porte
which
before putting them into effect, will get the approval of a European
commission.
In this
connection the undersigned residents of Macedonia, confident that the
benevolence and humaneness of the civilized Powers will no longer
tolerate the
continuation of our sufferings, and convinced that the only reasonable
way to
keep peace and order, to guarantee general peace, to facilitate the
free and
Peaceful development of the Christians in Macedonia and to make peace
in the East
lasting, in compliance with the interests of Europe and of the
government of
His Imperial Majesty, the Sultan, consists in the strict and rapid
implementation
of the above-mentioned clause in our regions, so that it can meet the
needs and
comply with the customs of the population in the name of humanity and
civilization we have the honour of asking through Your Excellency the
Government
which you represent to be kind enough to intervene, so that all
necessary
measures be taken to put an end to our desperate situation to apply the
reforms
allowed by the afore-said Treaty as soon as possible, to unite all
dioceses and
districts, populated predominantly by Bulgarians and which constitute
Macedonia
itself, i.e., the dioceses of Debur, Ohrid, Kostour.Lerin, Bitolya,
Voden,
Melnik, Skopje, as well as the districts of Palanka, Djoumaya, Shtip
and so on
into one vilayet.
We have the
honour of being Your Excellency's most obedient and humble
servants, with
deepest respect,
(there follow 102
signatures)
The
Government of the S(ublime) Porte, in its desire to implement Art. 23
of the
Berlin Treaty, sent its draft for reforms to the Bitolya vilayet to be
examined
by a special committee on which the local populations were to be
represented in
great numbers. However, the authorities in Bitolya, instead of
consulting the
opinion of the population on this draft for reforms, arbitrarily chose
the
members of the committee, most of whom were Turks - government
officials or
members of the town council and the court.
As a
result, the population of the vilayet which was not at all represented
on the
committee, knows nothing of what it has discussed and decided in
connection
with the draft for reforms, the aim of which was to ensure to the local
Christian
population a future, corresponding to the intentions of the Great
Powers and
the needs of the country, as well. On account of this we, Bulgarian
residents
of the Bitolya vilayet, believe that it is necessary to draw the
attention of
the Supreme European Commission to this fact, and at the same time,
humbly to
express our opinion of what we consider to be the most essential
reforms which
could create the prerequisites for a more or less tolerable future for
the
Christian population in this country.
The reforms
should be the following:
1.
Religious freedom and equality before the law. Christians should be
accepted as
witnesses on equal terms with the Turks.
2. Churches
and schools should be freely built everywhere, except in places
exclusively
populated by Turks, only on the basis of a report of the town council,
without
the need preliminarily to issue a special firman for the purpose.
3. In order
to avoid any abuse and violence, whoever wishes to embrace the
Mohammedan
religion, before being converted should be left to stay with their
religious
leader for fifteen days.
4. The
communes should have free intercourse with their spiritual leaders
while the
latter should have the right to send them bishops and priests in
accordance
with the desire of the population.
5. All laws
should be translated into the language of the country.
6. A new
document should be drawn up concerning court procedures and commercial
activities.
7. Apart
from Turkish, the language spoken by the majority in the country
should also
be accepted as an official language.
8. Court
sittings should be public.
9. Jurors should
be recruited from the population, which should be represented
proportionally to
the number of residents from each nationality.
10. Court
presidents should be chosen from the nationality which represents the
majority.
11. Cadis
and bishops should be excluded from all administrative councils and
their
functions should be restricted only to their religious duties.
12.
Christians should have access to all jobs in the government of the
country. In
those parts where the majority of the population is Christian, the
governors
should be Christians, and their assistants - Turks, and vice versa
-where the
majority is Turkish, the governors should be Turks and their assistants
- Christians.
13. The
gendarmerie in the towns as well as in the villages should be recruited
from
among the population proportionately to the number of residents. The
same
principle should apply to the village guards, so that only Christian
guards be
sent to Christian villages.
14. The
Turkish police officials should not interfere with the affairs of the
Christians.
15. Separate
prisons for Turks and for Christians should be established and these
institutions should be altogether improved.
16.
Freedom
of the individual. No one should be arrested before preliminary
arrangement in
court, as envisaged by the law.
17. The
houses of the people should be inviolable, and, if the authorities want
to
enter the house of a Christian, this should be done by Christian
officials and
the superior local officer.
18.
Abolition of the system of tithes and its replacement by another kind
°f tax;
altogether taxes should be established in such a way that part of them
be used
for the improvement of the economic conditions in the country.
19. The
peasants should not pay iktibarie /tax paid to the state for
the right
to work as craftsmen/, since their main occupation is to cultivate the
land.
20. Village
sub-districts (miidiirliks), consisting of about 500 houses, should be
established.
21. A
special statute should be drawn up, providing for orphans to be taken
care of
by the respective communes.
22. The law
about bribes should be changed.
23. No one
but the police should carry weapons.
24. The
town council should be reorganized and its chairman and members should
be
elected by the population.
There
follow the seals of five Bulgarian municipalities - Bitolya, Prilep,
Ohrid,
Veles and Lerin.
For some
time now, a rumour has been spreading in Constantinople, which has been
confirmed by the press in Europe, that the Plovdiv European commission
which,
as the reader knows well, drew up the organic statute for Eastern
Roumelia,
will be convened shortly. The purpose of its convening, according
to reliable
sources, is to check on the reforms the Turkish government intends to
introduce
into the European parts of Turkey. This event is of great importance
for all
Christians living in Turkey and, in particular, for the Bulgarians in
Macedonia. For this reason we, Macedonians, should look forward to this
day
which, no doubt, will be very important and memorable for us.
It goes
without saying that the reforms drawn up by the Government of His
Imperial
Majesty the Sultan, and verified by the European Commission will be
able to
fully guarantee a peaceful and happy life for the Christians under the
protection of His Majesty. Moreover, there is no doubt that the above
mentioned
commission will earnestly consider the vital needs of the Christians in
Turkey
and those of the Macedonian Bulgarians, in particular, who, at this
moment,
suffer most cruel abuses on the part of both the Greek bishops - agents
of
Hellenism, and of the brigands who have lately flooded Macedonia.
Taking into
account all the beneficial results that the introduction of the
required
reforms will have for the Bulgarian population, we should not leave out
of
consideration the fact that the European Commission will probably
settle the
old dispute between the Bulgarian and the Greek Patriarchate that has
already
lasted for half a century. All that time, the Bulgarians have striven
for an
independent church which alone can paternally take care of their
peaceful and
successful development both intellectually and spiritually. It is
well-known to
every Bulgarian and to those Europeans who have had the chance of
learning
about the aspirations and needs of the Eastern Christians, that the
energetic
protests of the Bulgarians against the Greek high clergy and their
petitions to
the Turkish government to be freed from the odious Greek bishops,
imposed on
them by force, have led to the separation from the Constantinople
Patriarchate
of only one part of the Bulgarian people who acquired an autonomous
church,
while the greater part of our people have been left at the mercy of the
Greek
clergy.
In spite of
all the cogent petitions of all Macedonian Bulgarians, in spite of
their
suffering from the oppression of the Greek bishops, and finally, in
spite of
all intercessions of the Bulgarian Exarchate both before the war and
during the
last four months, the Sublime Porte has not responded so kindly to the
just demand
of one and a half million Bulgarians. As a result of this, since there
might be
apprehensions that the Bulgarians will not be satisfied in this
respect, it
would not be a bad idea to draw the attention of the European
Commission to
this important problem and to ask for its assistance for its just
solution. To
achieve this aim, however, it is necessary to send not only private
reminders,
but what is more important, there should be petitions on behalf of all
Bulgarian Macedonians to the above-mentioned Commission, which must
prove that
unless their requests are met, all Bulgarians will consider
themselves
unsatisfied; that the demand for church independence is not something
that
Bulgarians can forego, but, on the contrary, it is a factor,
determining the
development and Progress of the people.
The moment is so
important that if we, Macedonians, do not avail ourselves of the
present
opportunity, we shall be forced to drag the yoke of the Greek clergy
for a long
time to come. That is why we should not wait a minute longer, nor
hesitate, but
prepare to meet the Commission with the requisite readings by declaring
to it
that unless we enter the bosom of the Bulgarian church, any
gratification of
the Macedonian Bulgarians is inconceivable.
When we,
the undersigned inhabitants of various parts of Macedonia, residents in
Constantinople, learned that the European Powers which signed the
Berlin Treaty
had sent their representatives to the capital to work out and apply the
reforms
provided by Article 23 of the Berlin Treaty concerning the
European provinces
of Turkey, with a view to improving the present wretched and
intolerable plight
of all citizens of the country, we considered it our moral duty, as
representatives of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia, to declare to
the
honourable Commission through Your Excellency that, when the vilayet
committees
in Macedonia were set up in order to draw up the drafts for reforms,
the
instructions of Art. 23 were not observed, because, in spite of the
categorical
stipulation in this clause that these committees should fully represent
the
local population, the Bulgarian population, which constitutes the
majority of
the country, was completely excluded from participation in the said
committees.
The local authorities organized these committees underhand, exclusively
of officials
and representatives of other nationalities. When the Bulgarian
population later
learned from the newspapers that these committees had been set up and
had
already drawn up the reforms at variance with the instructions of Art.
23 of
the Berlin Treaty, they addressed to our honest government general
protests
from all parts of the province, copies of which we have the honour of
attaching
to the present.
In
informing Your Excellency about this, we venture to hope that the
honourable
Commission will not consider the reforms presented by the government, as drawn up by the local
population, which, according to Art. 23 of
the Berlin Treaty, should have but has not taken part in their
drafting.
With respect to
Your Excellency personally, we remain.
There follow more
than 200 seals and signatures.
In accordance with your
order and permission, to date I have had the honour of sending to the
Exarch,
through Your Excellency, the petitions of twelve Macedonian dioceses,
together
with 4,000 to 5,000 facts about various crimes, as well as statistics
of the
population of Macedonia. Only the petitions of the Kostour and Syar
dioceses
are missing, and I hope to receive them in the next few days and to
send them
to you.
Thank God,
all this has ended successfully, and much better than I had expected. A
great
spiritual animation can be observed among the Macedonian Bulgarians,
along with
a firm desire not to miss the present opportunity, when Europe is to
lay the
foundations of their future national destinies.
The Greek
metropolitans have not ceased playing the role of base informants
of the local
authorities, hoping that in this way they will be able to quell the
rising
flame of the Bulgarians' national feeling, but, fortunately, the more
they
intrigue and vilely plot, the more they irritate our Bulgarians.
The Syar
sandjak has begun to look like a real hell, in almost every
district the
prisons are full of innocent Bulgarians who have dared sign the
previous
petitions to the Exarch and the Grand Vizir, or to give a piece of
bread to the insurgents, while the Turkish
authorities absolutely refuse to understand that it is the complete
Turkish
demoralization and inability to rule the province that is the cause of
their
(the Bulgarians') compassion for their insurgent brothers. Today I sent
a
special dispatch to Syar with instructions for the petitions to be
taken from
there and for definite and precise information to be gathered on the
situation
in the sandjak and as soon as I receive them, without losing even a
single
minute, I shall relay them on to Your Excellency through Mr. Skryabin.
I await
with feverish impatience your instructions regarding my departure for
Constantinople. I must humbly dare to beg you to be so kind as to ask
the
Embassy whether it has received any answer to the Macedonian
Bulgarians'
petition to Mr. Giers as regards my appointment to an active post, and
to make
me happy, if you so desired, by informing me of the results of this
application. My happiness and my future are in your hands and I lay all
my
hopes on you.
With true
spiritual respect and profound devotion, I have the honour of being
Your
Excellency's most humble and most devout servant.
The unfortunate
Bulgarian population in
Your
Excellency!
The very
aim and the very ardent desire of the Great Powers to put an end to our
centuries-long suffering and our persecution over many years, and to
make peace
in the East lasting, as well as the high justice and impartiality of
the
executors of Europe's sacred and humane will, are too clear arid
evident for us
to have any doubt as to their willingness to extend their hand to us,
their
protection and defense by satisfying our legitimate desire and by
guaranteeing
our political and religious rights in accordance with the spirit and
the intent
of the Treaty of Berlin and with our people's interests, and for us to
think
that they might sacrifice and trample down the rights of an entire
people in
order to please 30 or 40 thousand Hellenized Wallachians and Albanians;
yet
despite all this we, being a people whose property, life, honour and
nationality
are being exposed to various dangers, intrigues and persecution by our
torturers and oppressors, and in whose heart there has already taken
root the
immutable desire and determination to protect and defend its national
rights
and interests from all kinds of base measures and false statements on
the part
of the propagandists of Hellenism, and under the protection of the
Treaty of
Berlin to develop mentally and morally within its nationality,
without
infringing the peace and rights of any other people, we deem it our
most sacred
duty to draw once more the attention of the gentlemen members of the
Commission
to the following groundless statement made in the last few days with
ulterior
motives by the Hellenic propagandists, and to ask for the Commission's
justice
and protection.
Several
days ago, a fantastic Greek propaganda group, calling themselves 'The
Provisional Macedonian Government, bearing the symbols of 'Macedonia,
Epirus,
Thessaly and Candia' and made up of six completely enigmatic persons
unknown to
us, with the aim of protecting the interests of Hellenism and of
changing the
opinion of the European Powers regarding the true desire and national
aspirations of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia, and knowing in
advance
that thanks to the high justice and humane impartiality of the
Christian
states, the unscrupulous intrigues and vile slander and persecution by
the
Hellenic propagandists will remain without any consequence satisfactory
to
Hellenism; the propagandist group has dared submit to the
representatives of
the Great Powers in Soloun a memorandum containing several articles
running
completely counter to our national aspirations and rights, and asking
on
behalf, be it said, of all Macedonian nationalities the gentlemen
consuls to
forward this memorandum to their respective governments, and to ask
them to
undertake the necessary measures to alleviate the plight of the
Macedonian
nationalities allegedly represented by it, and immediately to
implement and
carry out the reforms prescribed by Article 23 of the Treaty of Berlin;
at the
same time this group, so as to lend greater weight and authority to its
premeditated statements, which, in no way and in no point, correspond
to the
desires of the Bulgarian element in Macedonia, has not missed the
opportunity
to add that, in the event of its groundless and false claims not being
taken
into consideration, it has been empowered by a certain imaginary,
and as yet
inexistent Macedonian people's assembly, to take all kinds of insurgent
measures, and to incite the population to win its political rights by
means of
arms, and in favour of Hellenism.
Because the
afore-said fantastic memorandum, as well as its enigmatic authors in no
way
represent nor do they correspond to the true desires of the Macedonian
Bulgarian
population which, as the gentlemen members of the Commission are
already aware,
forms the real majority among the citizens of Macedonia;
because the
afore-said population has received no information as to the
constitution of any
Macedonian people's assembly which is supposed to have entrusted the
afore-said
clandestine Greek propaganda group with representing and defending its
rights
and interests;
because the
main aim of this memorandum is nothing else but an attempt at
misleading the
Great Powers' opinion as regards the true aspirations of the Bulgarian
element
in
because the
content of the afore-said memorandum clearly shows how the Hellenic
propagandists, in order to support the false statements of the
clandestine
propaganda group, intend to call or dispatch from the Greek areas at a
suitable
moment, a rebellious mob which is to ravage and plunder our land, on
the one
hand, and is to give it the appearance of a political movement of the
Macedonian population, on the other;
because the
Greek population of
because all
Bulgarian dioceses and districts in Macedonia have already made their
desire known
to the highly esteemed Commission through mass petitions, and have
already
advised the gentlemen members of the Commission as to the vile manner
in which
the Greek metropolitan bishops and societies are trying to extinguish
the flame
of the national feeling of the suffering Macedonian Bulgarians and
to
Hellenize them by force;
finally,
because all these false statements and intrigues by the Greek
propagandists may
cause even greater and more unbearable suffering and persecution than
exist
today; therefore,
the undersigned Bulgarian citizens of the Soloun1 diocese,
repudiating and protesting most officially and energetically against
the aforesaid
memorandum, once again confirm in the most official manner both our
mass
petitions and the protests submitted by our deputation some 15-20 days
ago to
the highly esteemed Commission, through His Excellency Lord
Fitz-maurice, and
we most humbly and insistently beg the gentlemen members of the
Commission to
be so kind as to pay no attention to such false memoranda which have
been
deliberately concocted, as well as to put an end, as soon as possible
to these
base intrigues and persecution, by ensuring our political and religious
rights
in accordance with the indisputable majority of the Bulgarian element
in Macedonia,
and in keeping with the spirit of the Treaty of Berlin.
In
addition, so that the reforms may bring about the consequences expected
in
favour of European peace; so that there may be an end to our
centuries-long
suffering, which we have to a high degree experienced at the hands of
the
Albanians; and finally, so that the entire Bulgarian element in
Macedonia may
enjoy the same rights, and may eternally offer its boundless spiritual
gratitude and thanks to the humane Christian states, it is necessary
that all
parts of Macedonia, namely the sandjaks of Skopje and Bitolya, and the
districts of Kostour, Gorni Debur and Tetovo, together with the Soloun vilayet, be reunited, as before, and
that the reforms be introduced.
Therefore,
we have the courage to beg most humbly and ardently of the gentlemen
members of
the Commission kindly to take this just appeal of ours into account,
and to
grant our humble wish.
Although we
are convinced that the gentlemen members of the Commission in no
way doubt the
truth of all these statements of ours, we, nevertheless, consider
ourselves in
duty bound to inform them that they will make the Bulgarian population
in
Standing
convinced of the sincere and humane intentions of the gentlemen members
of the
Commission as regards our suffering land, we resort to their high
protection,
and have the honour of being, with the highest compliments and respect,
the
most humble and devout servants of his Excellency.2
The Bulgarian
Exarch declares for the second time that the nomination of Bulgarian
bishops in
The
Ministry within your jurisdiction was duly asked for its opinion, but
there has
been no answer yet. That is why you are requested to do what is
necessary and
inform us about it.
I received
Your Highness' letter with the greatest respect and understood its
content
completely.
As the
official inquiry showed that the majority of the Christian
population in the
My humble
opinion is that, if the Bulgarian population remains without religious
leaders
in the future, or if it is brought under the sway of the Greek bishops by force, there may be
actions undesirable to the state. In view of this the Exarchate should
be
allowed to nominate and send Bulgarian bishops to the above-mentioned
two
dioceses, as it was before.
I worked in Ohrid
for six years. Now I had more than 5000 grosh.
'Mother!
I'm going to Athens.'
'Go, son,
go where it is best for you.'
I set
forth, and in August 1859 I arrived there and enrolled as a second year
medical
student but, of course, I wrote poems, too. I had just begun my poem .
I knew that the poem had to be handed in to the examining committee on
February
13th at the latest, but I didn't know that the signature of the author
had to
be put in a sealed envelope, on which one of the best verses of his
poem was
written, and so I gave the poem in signed simply
.
On March 25th, 1860 the chairman of the committee,
Mr. Rangavis, in the presence of a large audience started to appraise
the poems
presented, beginning with the poorest. Among the audience there
were Mr
Orphinidis, an acknowledged and crowned poet, and Vemadakis, professor
of
philology, both bright and happy, and quite confident that they would
receive
the crown or, at least, the monetary prize. For me, as for many other
spectators, there was no chair, of course. When Rangavis said, 'Finally
here we
have a poem, much shorter than the others, called
,
I felt an indescribable excitement such as I had never felt
before; no one
could have recognized me then, I was beside myself: it was clear that
the crown
was mine.
I have described
all these circumstances in detail, so that young people should know
that
excessive joy is deadlier than sorrow. Let them also know ^at I am
writing
this, not out of pride, but to help elevate the pride of the
people.
We,
Bulgarians, have been so abused and despised by other nationalities
that it is
high time we regained our dignity. When one reads our folk songs, in
which
every beauty is called a Greek woman, then one will instinctively
conclude
that wretched self-contempt is a national characteristic of the
Bulgarians. It
is high time we proved ourselves men among men. Bulgarian
industriousness is
rarely to be found among other nationalities; it has ennobled us, it
has been
and will be our salvation. If it is true that idleness is the mother of
all
ills, it is also true that work is the father of all good. What
advantages could
the other nationalities possibly have over us? Having listened to the
abuses
heaped upon all the Bulgarians, I have lived all my life with the idea
that I
was a nonentity. The same thought has kept me away from the highest
circles of
society without which no one has ever become a famous citizen, or a man
of
letters. It is true that a proud man comes to no good, but it is also
true that
he who despises himself is a suicide. The first sin is, of course, more
dangerous, but, we, Bulgarians, should be aware of the second, we must
trust
our strength and rely on our good works.
Then I went
to Rangavis' home and told him that I was the author of the poem .
He
received me very kindly, and in a solemn voice called his wife to
introduce me
to her.
'You dedicated
half of the prize-money to some noble cause.'
'Yes, that
is what I wrote, and I am keeping to it.'
'Your
generosity commends you very much. What about the other half?'
This
strange question puzzled me.
'You have
not written anything about the other half, he
added.
'The other
half I need for myself, I am not rich.'
It was
obvious that the answer did not please him and he became silent ...
'Did you hear
what praises I sang about you?'
'Yes, you
cannot speak against your conscience.'
He
immediately grasped the severity of my answer.
'How old
are you?'
'Thirty.'
'What
nationality are you?'
'Bulgarian.'
'It is not
possible for a Bulgarian to have black hair and black eyes.'
I did not
answer anything to this.
As early as
1861 Yakim Sapoundjiev and I embarked upon a great project for the good
of the
people, but we did it quietly. The time was not yet ripe. Hellenism in
Ohrid
had long ago taken deep roots and had been growing ever since. One
Bulgarian
called another Bulgarian derogatory names; the Bulgarian alphabet was
known
only to three people and was called Serbian. Learned men made us
believe that
the Bulgarians had no written language. The Miladinov brothers'
accusers who
were recently decorated with medals, were at the peak of their fame and
influence.
In Angel Groubchev's
shop,
which served as a Library Club, I learned how to read and write in
Bulgarian.
We helped each other; he used to explain the unfamiliar Bulgarian words
to us,
while we explained the European words to him. We read Bulgarian history
and in
school and at home, wherever it was necessary, we related its most
heroic pages
and talked about the Miladinov brothers, who had died the death of
martyrs.
Very often we would tell the pupils and their parents (but not all of
them) how
difficult Greek was and how much easier and more pleasant it was to
study in
their mother tongue. Many psalms, translated into the Macedonian
dialect, were
read in church and inspired holy terror in the breasts of the
Christians. When
I did not like the reader, I myself read them. We prayed to God
earnestly but
we worked hard at the same time as well. We ploughed day and night, so
that we
could prepare the soil for sowing.
The national spirit had
risen
higher even in the provinces. We wrote hundreds of petitions
against Meleti on
account of his various abuses. It was easiest to collect signatures for
the
general petitions against him. He used to say, 'I have piled up a heap
of
liras; they are yours, and I'll use them against you.'
In May
1868, if I remember well, I invited the leaders of the town to my home.
'Do you
want to have the Bulgarian language introduced into the churches and
schools?'
'Yes, we
do.'
'Would you
then allow me, to go to Constantinople to study Slavonic?’
'You have
our permission.'
In
Up to now I
could have been briefer; I was angry with the pen because it couldn't
write
faster. But it is impossible to be brief now. I am going to tell you
about
suffering.
At the
beginning of November 1868,1 returned from
………
Soon we
were ready and at parting we embraced all the prisoners. After a while,
the
door of the prison cell opened and my brother, two of my nephews and I
were
taken to the kaimakam (district governor), an Albanian from Epirus of
the Tosk
tribe, one of the most fanatical supporters of Hellenism. The leaders
of the
town were with him: Tase (Atanas), Zarche, Hristodoul Vladikov, Nahum
Strouzhanche and Antonaki, Meleti's nephew. The kaimakam's son spat at
me.
'What is my
guilt? Who is my accuser?'
'I don't
know,' said the kaimakam in Greek, 'what your guilt is nor who your
accuser is.
There is simply an order from the myutesarifto send you to Debur.'
'Why did
your son spit at me?'
'It was a
misdemeanour and I'll punish him.'
'Thank you.
And you. Sirs, as you know, I have lived respectably, put in a good
word for
me.'
'We aren't
davidji (plaintiffs),' A. Zarchev said.
'I didn't
say you were davidji, but I ask you to be ridjadji (intercessors) for
me.'
'Why did
you have to introduce Bulgarian into Ohrid?' Zarchev said. 'Didn't you like Greek that made you
literate?'
'Why did
you have to meddle with politics?' Vladikov asked.
'Why did
you have to protest against the bishop?' asked Strouzhanche.
Antonaki
didn't say a word, so as not to reveal that the bishop's office was the
source
of all these accusations.
'But if I, as you say, am guilty, what
have these three simple souls done to you? It is obvious that you want
utterly
to destroy two whole families on account of the imaginary guilt of
having
introduced Bulgarian into Ohrid when the Sultan himself has allowed me
to do
so.'
Profound
silence.
All of a
sudden into the hall came my mother, who up to that moment had not been
able to
walk. Two women supported her under the arms. She murmured feebly
some
beseeching words. Dear mother! She didn't know that one cannot expect
mercy
from hungry fanatics. The kaimakam ordered her to be taken away.
'Come,
mother!' I told her. 'They will neither kill nor hang me. The people
you see in
front of you are so brave and selfless that they will never do anything
on
their own, but what others will tell them to. The Hiikiimat1
respects such people, because it needs them.'
'You spoke
cleverly,' Zarche said, 'otherwise I would have fixed you.'
'Did I make
any mistake?'
'No, none.'
'I protest
against you, Mr Zarche. You are driving me away because it is now
impossible
for you to recite at church the Greek 2
which you have learned by heart but do not understand. You will
love me
as much as you loved me before, if you could learn the Bulgarian
'Prayer.' I
protest against you, Mr. H. Vladikov: I have made two of your children
literate, but you are persecuting me because I told you openly that you
and
your associates were bribed by the bishop. My protest against you, Mr.
Srouzhanche, is milder: you are persecuting me because you will get
neither
interest nor capital from the money you gave Meleti. What can you get
from a
despised monk? I protest against Meleti, who wants to kill me too now,
the way
he killed my teachers. I protest against the myutesarif because he
wants me to
be taken to Debur without saying who my accuser is. I protest against
you. Your
Honour, because you spat at me without knowing what my guilt was.'
'Give up
the Bulgarian language,' the kaimakam said, 'and I'll set you free.'
'I would rather die.'
Following
the example of the Bulgarian commune in Soloun and as a result of the
circulated
invitations sent by it to the other Bulgarian communes, the Prilep and
Kurchovo
communes handed addresses to the local kaimakams in which they asserted
their
loyalty to the Turkish government,, in order to refute the accusations
of the
Greek newspapers that the Macedonian Bulgarians had expressed
solidarity with
the recent events in Eastern Roumelia and Bulgaria. These addresses had
been
sent to the vali, who had, in turn, recently sent them to the Sublime
Porte.
When composing the address, the Prilep commune, conscious of the
discrepancy
between loving, loyal declarations and the real feelings of the
suffering
Bulgarians, had decided to dwell upon the ordeals endured by the
Bulgarians as
a result of oppression by the Greek clergy. But since these complaints
indirectly concern the Turkish authorities themselves, which patronize
the
Greek bishop, the vali sent the address back to the kaimakam to be
corrected
and written after the pattern of the one drawn up by him.
The other
Bulgarian communes from the Bitolya vilayet have prudently abstained
from
making any declarations and have not sent addresses.
No doubt,
as things are, such addresses will be delivered to the Turkish
government as a
proof that the Bulgarians are satisfied with their situation, and they
will be
used as a weapon against those who will try to raise the question
of
implementing Art. 23 of the Berlin Treaty as it affects
According
to reliable sources, our vali is now busy making a report about the
state of
affairs in the vilayet, and also about the need to carry out reforms in
it; but
what these reforms will be like one can judge from Ae following.
Detesting the
European law which served as a pattern for the last legal reforms which
took
the lion's share from him, Ali Kemali Pasha, as an outstanding
upholder of the
Koran and Moslem Law, is collecting and preparing evidence to prove
that the
basic evil in the country comes from these European reforms. What
reforms can a
person like him suggest, who openly declares, in spite of his high
position as
a vali, that slavery is necessary, that the European civilization
is nonsense
and a subject unworthy of the attention of true believers.
The return
of the two Bulgarian bishops, one of whom, the bishop of Ohrid, has his
seat
and diocese in this vilayet, is of great importance for the further
development
of religious and political relations in the country. The Bulgarian
population
of the vilayet, to which my humble report refers exclusively, has
partly gone
over to the Bulgarian Exarchate and partly stayed under the
Patriarchate. Up
till now the following have joined the Exarchate: in the Bitolya
county, the
majority of the Bulgarian residents in the town itself, 28-30 communes
in the
western and a few in the eastern parts of the district, as well as the
inhabitants of the sub-districts included in this district; Resen,
Prespa and
Demir-Hissar; then almost all Bulgarians in the districts of Prilep,
Ohrid,
Kichevo, Debur, plus thirty communes in the district of Florina and the
greater
part of the district of Kostour. On the other hand, those which have
remained
under the Patriarchate are: in the district of Bitolya - part of the
Bulgarian
residents in the town itself, the majority of communes in the western
and
almost all in the eastern parts of the district, then the greater part
of the
Bulgarians in the district of Lerin and a small part of those in the
Kostour
district.
According to the official census of the inhabitants in 1885 these are the figures about the adherents of the two churches in the above-mentioned districts, which comprise the bulk of the Bulgarian population in the vilayet:
Sandjak (Region) Bitolya Bitolya Bitolya Bitolya Bitolya Korcha Debur |
Kaza (District) Bitolya Prilep Ohrid Kichevo Lerin Kostour |
Church diocese Pelagonia (part of Ohrid) Pelagonia Ohrid Debur Moglena (partly Ohrid) Kostour Debur |
Greek Church 33,000 1,200 3,000 60 20,600 6,400 64,260 |
Bulgarian Church 36,000 27,000 14,000 12,800 3,300 35,500 23,600 152,200 |
These
figures, as well as those in the many official Turkish documents about
the
Christian population, must certainly have been reduced; nevertheless,
they give
the right proportion between the numerical correlation of the two
churches. It
should also be noted that usually the number of the Greek Orthodox
population
includes the not inconsiderable Wallachian population in the
above-mentioned
districts. From this it follows that the majority of the Bulgarians
from the
vilayet have joined the Exarchate.
According
to the stipulations of the Sultan's Firman of 27th of February 1870,
which
establishes the Exarchate, its jurisdiction was to cover not only the
dioceses
enumerated in it, such as Veles, but also those in which all or at
least
two-thirds of the Orthodox residents supported it.
Such was
the case in the Ohrid-Prespa diocese, to which belong the Ohrid
district (with
the exception of Strouga and 21 villages which belong to the
Drach-Elbasan
Diocese), and the sub-districts Resen, Prespa, Demir Hissar and
Kroushevo from
the Bitolya diocese with 109 villages, and finally thirteen villages
from the
Lerin district. The bishop sent by the Exarchate in 1870 chose Ohrid as
his
seat and remained there till 1879, when the Porte dismissed him. The
Greek
bishop, who also bore the title 'Bishop of Ohrid and Prespa,' was
deserted by
the whole population of his diocese and moved his quarters to
Kroushevo, a
little town inhabited predominantly by Wallachians.
In the
remaining four dioceses of the vilayet with a predominantly, or largely
Bulgarian population, namely Pelagonia (Bitolya), Moglena (Lerin),
Kostour and
Debur, there was voting in accordance with the Firman. In the Bitolya
(together
with Prilep) and Kostour dioceses, the majority went over to the
Exarchate. In
Debur (together with Kichevo) almost all Bulgarian communes joined
it; and the
Greek bishop, who lost his flock, moved to Veles, which diocese he
merged with
his own. But the Bulgarian church in the above-mentioned four dioceses
was left
without diocesan hierarchy and even without legally recognized
organization.
Here we have to
remember that in the aforesaid Sultan's Firman for the formation of the
Bulgarian church complete separation from the Greek church was not
envisaged,
and what is more, to a certain degree, the unity of the Orthodox church
was to
be kept intact. In connection with this, it was decreed that, in mixed
dioceses, the bishop's seat should be given to the Greek church, while
if two
thirds of the population were Bulgarians, it would accordingly be
given to the
Bulgarian church. But the minority had to be represented by a bishop's
deputy
who was subordinated to the bishop of the other church. The obstinacy
of the
Patriarchate in relation to the 'schism' prevented the realization of
this
arrangement.
So far the
Bulgarian church has not been legally established by the government.
The
Bulgarian church communes have not been acknowledged formally the way
the Greek
Orthodox ones are. While the latter are represented on the vilayet
administrative council with the personal vote of their bishops, the
Bulgarian
church is not, something that the population is very sensitive about in this land, whereas the church
organization constitutes the basis of the state.
This is
what causes complaint from these communes where the population is
mixed, that
is, one part belongs to the Patriarchate and the other to the
Exarchate. In
such communes, according to the position taken by Turkish authorities,
the
local churches, the cemeteries and the church funds remain in the
possession of
the Greek Orthodox Church, even though only a small minority or a few
scattered
houses in the commune belong to it. The church funds are often used to
support
the local Greek commune.
The
complete absence of diocesan hierarchy since 1878-1879 has created
absolutely
abnormal relations within the Bulgarian church in Macedonia. The
Bulgarian
clergy, having no leadership or supervision other than the distant
Exarchate,
were well on the way to anarchy. The numerous newly-built churches wait
for the
bishop's blessing in order to fulfil their purpose. The priests, newly
appointed to fill the gaps, have to travel as far as Constantinople to
receive
an episcopal ordination. As they are seldom in a position to do this,
many
communes are left without church leaders. This situation in the
national church
explains such phenomena as the Catholic-Uniate movement in Prilep,
instigated
by ambitious priests.
The
re-occupation of the bishop's throne in Ohrid, the former seat of the
Bulgarian
Patriarch, through the appointment of Sinesii now meets one urgent
desire and
need of the population in this diocese.
This change
does not directly affect the ecclesiastical position of the Bulgarians
in the
other, earlier-mentioned dioceses, and it could help only in as far as
it is
possible for the newly appointed bishop, on the strength of an
official
authorization, to ordain priests and to consecrate new churches in the
neighbouring districts outside his diocese.
A basic
settlement and improvement in the state of affairs is still in the
future. The
present success over appointment of two bishops for the Macedonian
Bulgarians
is a starting point and encourages further aspirations in this respect.
As far
as I can understand their intentions, they are trying to get -apart
from Veles
- the bishop's seat in Debur, since the Bulgarian population in this
diocese,
as we mentioned earlier, has, without exception, gone over to the
Exarchate,
while the Greek bishop was driven out. As for the other places, such as
Bitolya, they would be satisfied with the formal, legal recognition of
the
Bulgarian church commune and also with representation on the
administrative
council; they are also striving for official recognition of the
religious
jurisdiction of the Bulgarian clergy. Judging by the progress achieved
so far,
it can be expected that not only will the internal relations in the
Bulgarian
church improve, but that also the influence of the church itself
will extend
further. The national and religious tendencies are also predominating
more and
more in the Bulgarian communes, which have remained under the
Patriarchate.
They often refuse to pay the Greek bishop 'the bishop's tax' and to
give funds
for the sup port of the local Greek schools, which are run by
Greeks and serve
no purpose. With the return of the bishops, on the insistance of the
population, the prestige of the Bulgarian church rose to an
extraordinary
extent in the eyes of the people. The movement for joining the
Exarchate is
again gaining momentum, and sooner or later these Bulgarians will be
united
with the Bulgarian church. When Mr. Sinesii, on his arrival here, went
to the
densely populated settlement Vrabyane, which is mixed in religious
terms, the
whole commune made it clear that they acknowledged him and asked him to
consecrate the newly-built local church, about which the two camps had
argued.
Then the Greek church held its position in these parts where there were
more
Wallachians, predominantly townspeople.
As I have already
mentioned, there are tendencies among the Wallachians, alongside with
the
national movement, to get rid of the Greek bishops. The Bulgarian
Exarchate
helps them and allows them to use their mother tongue for the liturgy.
The
Wallachians in Ohrid have already joined the Bulgarian church, while
other
places with a Wallachian population, such as Yankovets, Resen, Gopesh,
Kroushevo, Hroupishta, are also on the way. The present achievement of
the
Bulgarians in acquiring a Bulgarian church and hierarchy cannot but
encourage
the Wallachians to do the same. As is already known, the same
tendencies,
though sporadic, have been noticed among the Orthodox Albanians.
The structure of
the Greek church and hierarchy, which has already been shaken,
threatens to
tumble down here before us, and under its ruins, to bury Hellenism,
which has
support only in the church and in the schools run by it. From the
beginning its
place has been taken by the Bulgarian church, and its attendant
national
Bulgarianism, which, with its constant activity, has for years been
consolidating itself and is now powerfully ascendant.
This development
of the Bulgarian national church darkens more and more the prospects
for
success of the new Serbian propaganda in these parts. Since the
establishment
of the Bulgarian Exarchate the only successful means they can use to
win over
the Slav population will be to show them a national hierarchy and
liturgy but
without the 'schism,' and to come to agreement on this score with the
Greek
church. The consolidation of the Bulgarian church closes this door too
to the
Serbian propaganda. The emancipation of the Macedonian Slavs from the
Greek
church is manifested in their joining the Bulgarian church and in the
Bulgarian
nationalism which it brings. It is too late for the development of
these
matters to be directed into another channel.
The
Bulgarians of these parts appreciate with gratitude the stand of those
Powers
whose diplomatic intercession played a decisive role in bringing back
the
Bulgarian bishops. Their political leader here told me that they knew
well
that, for this success, they had to thank first of all the
Austro-Hungarian
government for its support. The attitude of Russia to this problem once
again showed her hostility to an independent
development of the Bulgarian
nation. I have reported the same to
Constantinople.
Not long
ago I had the honour to inform you by telegram about the Bulgarian
petitions to
the Sultan and the Porte for the appointment of Bulgarian bishops in
the
dioceses of Pelagonia (Bitolya), Debur, Veles (the last one is outside
this
vilayet) and what occasioned them.
In this
diocese, the petitions were first sent by the church communes of
Bitolya and
Prilep, which were joined by the others. In Debur diocese petitions
were sent
by 105 Bulgarian communes. Veles did the same. It is known that the
Sultan's
Firman of 1870 stated categorically that the latter diocese belonged to
the
jurisdiction of the Exarchate.
It is not
the same with the Debur diocese, which, apart from the Debur district,
includes
the county of Kichevo, which belongs to this district. Almost all the
communes
here joined the Bulgarian church. The Greek bishop in Debur, deserted
and
driven out by his flock, moved to Veles. The Patriarchate merged the
two
dioceses, where very few followers of the Greek church were left.
In my most
humble letter of August 29th this year, I already drew your attention
to the
religious situation of the Bulgarians in Macedonia and pointed out that
their
efforts now were directed towards gaining bishops' seats in Veles and
Debur
from the Porte. The Christian population in these two dioceses without
exception
belongs to the Bulgarian church. In the Pelagonia (Bitolya) diocese,
which
comprises approximately all administrative counties in Bitolya and
Prilep, the
proportions are not the same as in the previous ones. Here again, the
overwhelming majority of the population, particularly in Prilep
county,
belongs to the Bulgarian church. Nevertheless, at a rough estimate, one
third
of the same population, among which there are quite a few Bulgarian
communes,
has remained under the Greek Orthodox Church and the Patriarchate.
That is why
even Bulgarian circles here do not expect immediate success as regards
Bitolya.
The petition for the appointment of a bishop, presented by a delegation
from
the Bulgarian commune, was considered by the governor as premature. The
Bulgarians
here would be pleased to have the Bulgarian church communes and the
Bulgarian
clergy acknowledged legally and in this way to get rid of everyday
hardships,
as well as to be put on an equal footing with the Greek church.
For the
time being, the Bulgarians are earnestly striving and hoping for the
appointment of bishops only for Veles and Debur. Having in mind the
actual
situation, this could hardly be postponed any longer. The present mood
of the
Porte and its dispute with the Patriarchate provides the Bulgarians
with a
favourable opportunity for gaining further concessions from the former
and of
completing the building of the national church and the organization on
Macedonia.
After 1888
Serbian propaganda in Macedonia became very active and began to attack
even the
Soloun High School. With money and big promises, the Serbian agitators
succeeded in misleading about forty high school pupils and in sending
them to
Belgrade, but after a year's stay, they ran away to Sofia. The same
propaganda
spends enormous sums of money on opening Serbian schools all over
Macedonia,
bribing a few mercenary people in each settlement. The Turkish
government and
the Constantinople Patriarchate were at their service. Knowing that
there are
no Serbians in Macedonia, these activities of the Serbian agitators
made me
very indignant. In my attempts to find a means of counteracting this
propaganda, I came to the conclusion that only an underground
revolutionary
organization could neutralize the foreign propaganda in Macedonia, and
it would
be the most reliable support for the preservation of Bulgarian national
feeling
in Macedonia, and would help to strengthen the population both
morally and
economically. In my speculations on the formation of .a revolutionary
organization, I foresaw that I will encounter difficulties on the part
of the
supporters of the Exarchate and the Exarchate itself, which
maintained a
policy of centralization in the church and in the schools: it appointed
and
dismissed the school teachers and the bishop's deputies. That is why IJ
began
to look for like-minded people from among teachers and citizens, whc
favoured
decentralization in religious and educational matters. Such people I
found in
the persons of Peter Poparsov2 and Dimiter Tsonev and,
later, in Doctor
Hristo Tatarchev,3 a school doctor. I did not rely on other
colleagues born in Macedonia, as I knew their views and characters.
In May 1892
the chairman of the Soloun commune, the priest Ivan Madjarov, overtook
me in
the street and said to me: 'I am coming from the town hall. I went to
ask the
vali again to order the opening of the church in the village of Novo
Selo
(district of Soloun) where Exarchists and Patriarchists could go to
church,
even though the latter consists of two houses. This is what he replied:
"Damn your schools and churches! Listen to me, priest! We shall put up
with you for a year or two more. In two years' time, we shall leave you
to come
to grips with the Serbians and the Greeks and shall watch the show "'
The
cynical words of the vali Zehni Pasha made my blood boil, and I decided
to
start organizing the underground movement as soon as possible. I had
already
four supporters at my disposal: P. Poparsov, Dr. H. Tatarchev Dimiter
Tsonev
and H. Batandjiev.4 But I thought we were very few. Besides
I wanted
to have someone among us with greater authority and more experienced in
conspiratorial work. I did not find such a person among the
intellectuals in
Soloun, nor in
In June
1892 I left for Sofia. There I met K. Shahov and disclosed my plans to
him and
he recommended Gotse Delchev,5 still a cadet, as a suitable
and
authoritative man. Shahov made an appointment in his printing house for
the
following Sunday, when cadets could leave school. When we met, I
described the
development of the national cause in Macedonia, told them about the
threat of
the valis and about the results of the Serbian propaganda and put this
question
to them: 'Isn't it time we founded a revolutionary organization in
Macedonia?'
Both answered in the affirmative. But they wanted me to describe to
them what,
in my opinion, the principle of the secret organization should be. I
gave the
following answer to their question:
1. The
revolutionary organization should be founded in Macedonia and be active
there
so that the Greeks and Serbians should not consider it as a weapon of
the
Bulgarian government.
2. Its
founders should be local citizens living in Macedonia.
3. The
political slogan of the Organization should be autonomy of Macedonia.
4. The
Organization should be secret and independent and should not
establish
contacts with the governments of neighbouring countries.
5. From the
Macedonians in Bulgaria and the Bulgarian population it should ask only
for
moral and material support for the struggle of the Macedonian
revolutionaries.
We
discussed the five basic principles and agreed fully on all scores. As
far as
the authoritative person was concerned, after exchanging thoughts and
opinions
with Shahov and me, Gotse said: 'Look here, Mr. Hadjinikolov, so much
time has
passed, let another year go by. I will be graduating from the Military
School next year and I have no intention of remaining an officer in the
Bulgarian
Army. I'll return to Macedonia, then I'll come to Soloun and we shall
talk it
over and, if there are possibilities, we'll form the Organization.'
Gotse and I
parted, expressing the hope of seeing each other in Soloun next summer.
We want to
champion the interests of that Bulgarian land which the Berlin Congress
tore
away from the free Principality and left in the same plight it was in
before
the Congress - we 'will fight for this land which is called
Southwestern
Bulgaria or, as history knows it, under the name of Macedonia. And we
shall
work, we shall dedicate all our energy to the achievement of this goal,
as much
as we can and as best as we can. But we have to declare before each and
all
that we stand for a legal struggle, which implies a rational basis.
Only in
this way, we think, we can be useful to the Bulgarians in this region.
Any
other method will be harmful not only to the Macedonian Bulgarians but
even to
the free Principality on which we must rely in everything for the
improvement
of the lot of the South-western Bulgarians.
When we say
legal means we must explain what we mean: the gradual and natural
development
of the well-known Macedonian question, the bringing about and creating
the
conditions which will best settle this question in our Bulgarian
interests. We
repeat again that we are not going to act in any other ' way. This
question has
already passed through various stages, and from its history we have
learnt that
matters were better when we placed its solution on legal basis. Our
newspaper
takes this stand and we think it will serve our interests best. In
the future
we will have the opportunity to return to this question and discuss it
in
greater detail.
The second
point of our programme, which we consider as important for our success
as the
first, is the following: to define what our attitude should be towards
the
affairs of this country, to the affairs of the free Principality. In
this
respect we have formed an opinion, which also does not correspond to
those of
our other former and present newspapers, but which we are determined
not to
give up. We shall be impartial spectators of the affairs here. Our
newspaper will
record and only record facts and events, but will never take an
attitude other
than that of restraint and impartiality. We do not belong to any party,
or,
rather, we are partisans of the idea: Bulgarian Macedonia, to which
idea no
Bulgarian government or party (Liberal, Conservative or any other) can
be indifferent.
We regard every single government in Bulgaria as patriotic because it
is a
government of our free citizens, who are blood of our blood and flesh
of our
flesh. The individuals in the government will be of no importance to us
whatsoever.
That today Peter is in power and tomorrow Stoyan takes his place, this
does not
interest us at all and will not cause our work to suffer in the least.
We want
there to be a Bulgarian government, which being Bulgarian, cannot but
take to
heart the interests of the Bulgarians in Macedonia. In other words, we
shall
have nothing against any government or any party, that is why we shall
report
events and give only impartial information without interpreting it this
way or
that, with approving or passing judgment on it. What we shall demand of
each
government and each party is that they should take to heart and act
energetically on behalf of the Bulgarian cause, of the Bulgarian
interests that
we, in Macedonia, share in common.
We follow
the activities of the Serbian, Greek and other propaganda with
particular
interest. They have joined hands with the purpose of putting a spoke in
the
wheel of the Bulgarian cause. Although there is no need of Bulgarian
propaganda
in this Bulgarian country, we think it will not be without benefit if
we use
some means to neutralize foreign propaganda, which seeks to build
houses on
other people's property. But even in this respect, we shall be correct
and
impartial, as in the other points of our programme.
The
Macedonian population consists of Bulgarians, Turks, Albanians,
Wallachians,
Jews and Gypsies. The total number of the population and that of each
nationality cannot be defined exactly as there are no statistics.
Recently the
Turkish government has paid attention to statistics as regards the
subjects of
the Sultan in all respects. It was stipulated that each vilayet should
publish
a big calendar or 'salname,' which, along with other articles, should
carry
statistics. These calendars are almost the only official sources in
this
respect. There is a salname for Skopje vilayet, but it is so short that
it is
almost useless. Besides, one should use the salname somewhat cautiously
because
there are many incorrect and inaccurate facts.
The
statistics show that the Mohammedan population is increasing at the
expense of
the Christian nationalities, while the minority groups among the latter
are
growing in number at the expense of the majority ones. In the region of
Skopje
the number of the Bulgarians and Albanians will naturally be decreasing.
The
statistics of the population are not full because many conceal the nufizi
(inhabitants) and do not get registered in order to avoid taxes and
obligations.
That is
what the Albanians and the Turks do. In view of this, I am not citing
any
figures, but I shall confine myself to making some remarks on the
various
nationalities that live in the Skopje vilayet.
5.
Bulgarians. They constitute the bulk of the population in the vilayet I
am
describing. In spite of all distortions in the official statistics,
they again
figure as more than half of the population. I could not personally
collect any
data about the number of the population, that is why I am not quoting
figures.
I made a description of the Bulgarian population in the section on
Topography,
that is why it is not necessary to repeat the same again or go into
detail.
Article 1. The
aim of the BMARC is to gain full political autonomy for Macedonia and
the Odrin
district.
Article 2.
For the achievement of this aim they must arouse a feeling for
self-defense
among the Bulgarian population of the areas mentioned in Article 1, to
disseminate revolutionary ideas among it through the press or by word
of mouth,
and to prepare for and raise a general uprising.
Article 3.
Membership is open to any Bulgarian, irrespective of sex, who has not
compromised himself in the eyes of the community by dishonest and
immoral
actions, and who promises to be of service in some way to the
revolutionary
cause of liberation.
Article 4.
The members of each committee are divided into groups each with a chief
appointed by the leader. Each member of a group, including the chief,
has a
number given by the appropriate committee. Each member knows only the
members
of his group and its chief, while the latter knows only the leader of
the
committee or his intermediary.
Article 5.
The BMARC are divided into regional, district and village
committees, and
above them all stands a Central BMARC, which directs the general
activity of
the Cause and represents it. The territory and number of the regional
committees are determined by the Central Committee, of the district
committees
by the regional, and of the village committees - by the district
committee.
Article 6.
Each committee is headed by a governing body. The governing bodies of
the
regional committees are appointed by the
Article 7.
Every member of the governing body has a pseudonym given by the Central
BMARC.
Article 8.
The Central BMARC has a seal with an emblem consisting of a banner,
swords,
rifles and a bomb, with the inscription Macedonian-Adrianople Central
Revolutionary Committee and with a radius of 2 cm 6 mm, and a
circumference of
16 cm 8mm. With it, the C.C. stamps important documents.
Article 9.
Each regional, district and village committee has its own secret post
for
communication with the adjacent committees.
Article 10.
Each committee has its own secret police for following the
activities of
internal and external enemies.
Article 11.
Every committee keeps the committee above it informed of the activities
in its
territory, and at the end of each month it presents a detailed report
of all
its activities in every respect.
Article 13.
Anyone who is found guilty of harming the Cause, be he a worker or no,
Bulgarian or non-Bulgarian, is to be punished. His punishment is
determined by
the local committee and is carried out after the Central Committee
has given
its consent.
Article 14.
Detailed internal rules have been drawn up on the basis of this Statute.
Art.
15.
On entering the Committee each member shall
take an oath, which reads as follows:
'I swear by
God, my faith and honour that I will fight to the death for the freedom
of the
Bulgarians in Macedonia and the Adrianople region, that I will submit
unconditionally to the leadership and will unprotestingly carry out its
orders;
that I will betray to no one, neither by word nor by deed the secret to
which I
wed myself today and all that I shall see, hear and understand concerning the Cause from today on.
If I
break my oath, let me be killed by one of the comrades with the
revolver or the
dagger which here I kiss.'
The oath is
taken on the Gospels, a revolver, a dagger or any available weapon. The
person
taking the oath bows three times, kisses the above-mentioned objects,
which,
after the oath has been pronounced, he kisses once again. The oath can
be
administered by any member, but priests are to be preferred.
We received
in good time the letter with which you inform us of the results of the
Second
Macedonian Congress and we must admit that your split at the Congress
has made
a most unpleasant impression on us. We express our bitter regret at your split and we are afraid lest
it have a disastrous and demoralizing effect on our whole Cause in
general.
We must say
quite frankly that under these circumstances, we do not
contemplate any
serious aid to the Cause, the more so that your split is taking place
precisely
at a time when there is a most urgent need for harmony and unity
of action on
the part of all those who work towards this end. We find you disunited
precisely now that there are only a few weeks left for getting
substantial aid
from within (Bulgaria). As soon as the snows melt in the mountains, our
channels will be closed and our workers will have to remain inactive
until next
winter.
Irrespective
of all this we continue to prepare the people in the spirit of our
programme
and remain in agreement with all (those) who share our credo.
Our people are pressing for
arms and we firmly believe in the readiness of those
committed to the Cause to make sacrifices - you should make
haste and send us help!
With
fraternal greetings.
We are
sending you enclosed herewith 'Remarks on the Reforms’ together with an
explanatory note to them which the Committee has elaborated and
presented to
the Russian diplomatic agent, Mr. Charikov, and to the Minister Stoilov.
Although the
Committee has not yet received a
positive answer to these demands, from the last conversation with the
head of
the Russian agency G. Smirnov, and from some other signs, it has come
to the
conclusion that it is hardly likely to achieve in this way any
improvement of
the lot of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia. The Committee has
decided to
wait a little longer for a positive answer from the above-mentioned
persons and
for the results of its diplomatic steps and peaceful activities but
when it is
finally convinced that they have remained fruitless, it, the Committee,
will
consider resorting to other means, endorsed by the Macedonian Congress.
In
informing you of this we ask you, dear Sir, to convey it to the persons
it
concerns.
Another
question which has recently greatly stirred the minds of the whole
Bulgarian people,
and to which the Committee has paid particular attention, is the
question of
'ending the schism. The Committee hastens to assure whoever it may
concern that
it regards this question as a political question, fateful for the
future of the
entire Bulgarian nation. Proceeding from here, the Committee is in no
way
prepared to sacrifice the banner, under which the struggle for national
awareness has been waged for 50 years now, and which today serves as a
symbol
of the spiritual and political unity of the Bulgarian people. For this
reason
the Committee is prepared to afford all its support to those who share
its
views; and if the worst comes to the worst, it might be even compelled
to
endanger some vital interests, in order to preserve the present
situation with
regard to the schism. Informing you of this, the Committee asks you to
inform
it of the present situation of the question of the schism, and of the
opinions
and actions of the persons who are interested in it.
We are sending
you enclosed herewith 'Remarks on the Reforms in Macedonia' together
with an
explanatory note on them, which the Committee has recently prepared.
Besides, we
consider it necessary to inform you that the above documents have been
presented
to some prominent political figures here, who have undertaken to
bring
influence to bear where necessary for the introduction of these reforms
in
Macedonia. The Committee has not yet received any answer from these
people nor
is it aware of any steps, taken by the Turkish government to meet the
Committee's demands. The latter is resolved to wait for another while
to see
the results of its diplomatic steps and peaceful activities; after that
however, when it is convinced that all these efforts have remained
fruitless it will consider that the
first type of means have been exhausted and will concentrate its
attention on
putting into effect the second type of means, endorsed by the
Macedonian
Congress.
Hoping that
the draft for reforms in Macedonia, enclosed herewith, corresponds
to the
interests of the Macedonian population and is in conformity with its
desires,
we request you to make these documents known through the committees
dependent
on you.